In the United States, Pilds wrote, “one can imagine that during a unified government the party in power would try to dramatically expand the number and size of federal courts, then fill these new positions.” Trump, Pilds has already indicated that “one of the first things he would do if he were re-elected would be an executive order that would reassign tens of thousands of civil servants to ‘Schedule F’ positions – which means That they will lose their civil service. Security and can be fired and replaced with new appointees chosen by the President.”
Instead of censorship, Pilds wrote, an authoritarian-leaning president would try to control the media.
By taking pecuniary advantage against it or legitimizing it by calling it “fake news”. As they shield themselves from accountability, these governments siphon off grants, licenses, and “donations” to businesses and others for political campaigns, to toe the party line, or at least not to publicly challenge it. to exercise their discretionary powers. We caught a glimpse of it during COVID, with President Trump saying he would provide desperately needed equipment to governors who were “good” for him, not “bad”.
Donald Moynihan, professor of public policy at Georgetown University, explained in an email how democratic backsliding will change or affect different constituencies and demographic groups.
“For many people, life will go on as normal. These are more conservative-belief groups that have no reason to worry that their rights are at risk,” Moynihan wrote. Conversely, he continued, “some groups will be more vulnerable. These include the historically marginalized.” groups that may face new restrictions on voting, or members of the LGBTQ community who are treated as second-class citizens.”
Moynihan said government employees could bear the brunt:
Since American Democratic backsliding has been done with a conspiratorial anti-statistics flavor, the risk is particularly threatening to public servants. Over the years, specific groups of public officials – election officials, public health workers, school teachers and library workers – have been subject to wild conspiracy theories and baseless allegations and given little professional autonomy to do their jobs.
DeSantis, Moynihan wrote, “is a better representation of these threats than Trump’s,” because Florida’s governor
Bills to monitor the political ideology of faculty and students have been passed. Higher education institutions have censored faculty, barred some from testifying against state redistribution proposals, and curtailed how they talk about issues such as race. The DeSantis administration has encouraged students to monitor and report professors whose views are “not acceptable,” similar to what happens in China.
DeSantis, Moynihan said,
Have signed bills that limit class discussion, or people’s ability to protest. His administration obstructed the right to vote for former felons, making it very difficult not only to reclaim that right, but by refusing to provide information to those who wanted to know how to vote. What to do, and prosecute citizens who voted in error due to confusion. He has attacked LGBTQ groups, and his press spokesperson has labeled anyone protesting his “Don’t Say Gay” bill as a “groom”.
DeSantis’ re-election bid, along with his future national prospects, along with those of Trump and the politicians who imitate him, will test the direction the United States is set to take, to quote Harvard economist Dani. According to Roderick, “The economic-political system of the world appears to be at an inflection point, with its future direction hanging in the very balance.”
The combination of racial and ethnic tensions – and the continuation of economic disorder unfairly distributed across the country – has turned the United States into a testing ground for right-wing populism. Trump and DeSantis basically took advantage of white working-class and middle-class anger in two major developments over the past six decades.
The first of these evolved from the continued absorption into the political system of racially driven partisan reorganization that began decades earlier at the height of the civil rights movement. As described by Ileana Kuzymko of Princeton and Ebonya Washington of Yale,
The overall 17 percentage-point decline in Democratic Party identity between 1958 and 1980 is explained by a 19 percentage-point drop among Southern whites with conservative racial views. Extending the period after 2000, 77 percent of the 20 percentage-point drop is explained by the gap drop among Southern whites with conservative racial views.
The second development stems from the permanent disarray created by the 2008 financial crisis:
“The years following the crisis saw a sharp increase in political polarization and the rise of populist movements in Europe and America, both the Left and the South, culminating in Brexit in Britain and the election of Donald Trump here – by some measures the country’s most An ever polarizing president,” wrote Harvard Business School professor Gautam Mukund. Not enough.”